Revolutionary Guards and Politics Under Rouhani

Since its foundation in 1979,The Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution (Revolutionary Guards, IRGC) has been regarded as one of the “fundamental” pillars of Iranian politics. Revolutionary Guards, who are constitutionally charged with “safeguarding the revolution and its achievements”, have always involved in politics. IRGC, like other security institutions in Iran, is directly subordinated to Supreme Leader of the Revolution Ayatollah Hamanei and its relations with Iranian governments have been practiced in different forms.IRGC’s political clout gradually increased under the presidency of Mahmud Ahmedinecad that generated a debate on “militarization” of the Iranian regime. Likewise, in the meantime, influence of IRGCalso increased in economy due to the effects of sanctions imposed on Iran for thenuclear issue.

IRGC’s role in Iranian politics and economy has been regarded as one of the biggest challenges for Hassan Rouhani, who was elected as president in June 2013.There were some speculations about the prospective tension between President Rouhani, who has been known with pragmatism, and IRGC that has a rigid ideological standing.So, how didrelations between President Rouhani and Revolutionary Guards evolve in the intervening three years?This study reviews relations between the Rouhani government and IRGC.

 

Nuclear Deal, Iranian politics and Revolutionary Guards

Rouhani’sassociation with some reformist figures before and after the elections, moderation and flexibility in foreign policy and his discourses on economic liberalization drew IRGC’s reaction. However, having forged close relations with security bureaucracy and due to his stance in the “political center”, Rouhani did not encounter opposition from IRGC.Indeed, Rouhani observed balances while he was forming his cabinet and he did not give place to “fervent” reformists. He appointed, formerIRGC commanders, Hossein Dehghan as as Minister of Defense and Ali Shamkhani as a secretary of Supreme National Security Council.

IRGC’s first criticism against President Rouhani came afterhis phone conversationwith President Obama in September 2013.IRGCCommander, Major General Mohammad Ali Jafari said, “the president took a firm and appropriate position during his stay” in New York,“but,” he added“just as he refused to meet Obama, he should also have refused to speak with him on the telephone.”

Nuclear negotiations that began in November 2013 between Iran and the P5+1countrieswere criticized at times by news websites and journals. When those criticisms became harsh, Rouhani stated that “a small group has been busy with sabotages, baseless accusations and lies.” He added that his government was well aware of each step of this group and wouldtake necessary measures when the time was ripe. Shortly after Rouhani’s statements, in November 2014, an article published in Sahamnews, a pro-reformist news portal,claimed that Intelligence Unit of IRGC stepped into action in order to overthrow the Rouhani government. According to the aforementioned article, Intelligence Unit of IRGC, in coordination with Isargaran(Society of Devotees of the Islamic Revolution), and former officials at the time of Ahmedinecad government and some journalists, set up “safe houses” in which anti-government propaganda activities was organized. It was suggested that Rouhani gave information and submitted relevant documents about this subject to LeaderHamanei at a private talk; but nothing appeared publiclyabout this matter. Anyway, President Rouhani said in a speech he gave in December 2015, “When weapons, wealth and media are in control of a single institution, an inevitable result would be corruption.” These comments ware regarded by many pundits as criticism against IRGC.

While nuclear deal was coming to and end, IRGC took a cautious stance. On the one hand, IRGC Commander Jafari appreciated achievements and “selfless efforts” of the negotiating team, on the other hand, he continued to remind redlines of the Iran. He drove attention to controversial issues with related to the removal of sanctions.

In a speech shortly after the parties agreed on the nuclear deal in July 2015, Rouhani stated that even after the conclusion of deal, Iran should preserve its prudence and moderation. He also said, “we should not think that we can talk and move whatever we want after the deal, and the others did not react to the change of our course”.This statement drew a rebuff from IRGC Commander Jafari, who said, “some people argues that we should decide our activities in accordance with the will of enemy, and says we cannot speak or move as we liked because the others would react. It means, before anything else, questioning of independence and honor of the regime.” He added that those people sitting in important posts should speak in a “measured” way.

The battle of words between the government and IRGC has continued over the meaning of the nuclear deal. Both President Rouhani and the Minister of Foreign Affairs Zarifargued that “the nuclear deal have liftedthe shadow of war over Iran and made it more secure.” However,it is stated in various speeches of some IRGC commanders that security of Iran has not been ensured by means of negotiations and dialogue with enemy,but by the heroic and altruistic resistance of the people and “deterrent power” of Iran.Jafaristressed that “the deal did not end or reduce hostility of the United States towardstheIslamic Republic of Iran”, and he claimed that the “enemy continuously attempts to infiltrate into Iran.”Actually, these “warnings” are almost replica of various statements of Khamenei.Indeed, Khameneihas been talking about the possibility of “infiltration of enemy into Iran by economic and cultural means.” Soon after those warnings about “infiltration of enemy”, Intelligence Unit of IRGCarrested five journalists allegedly for “being members of a network of influencedepended on America or Britain.” President Rouhani reacted to these detentions. Rouhani said that security agents should not act like a press judge and he called that warnings of the leader on the “infiltration of foreigners” should not be over-exploited.

Another debate President Rouhani and IRGC Commander Jafari that revolved around the essence of the nuclear deal took place in the last April. In his speech for the occasion of Norouz(Iranian New Year), Rouhani recalled the nuclear deal as an achievement to be proud of the Iranian nation and he said that Iran should alsoconclude“a national plan of action, a secondbarjam(the Persian acronym for the nuclear deal)” to solve itspolitical, economic and social problems.Leader Khamenei criticized these statements at first.  Subsequently, Major GeneralJafari said, “Thenucleardeal has neverbeenconsidered a documentto be proud of it, andpeoplereluctantlysupported [it]. Whatare the benefits of the first deal, so that we are asking a second one?” In response to these criticisms, Rouhani repeated that barjamis a political and legal source of pride for Iranian nation and he reminded how much the Iranian people were suffering under sanctions.He statedthat Iran alsoneedssomeadditional time just as “therestorationorreconstruction of a ruintakesome time. Only three months have passed since the deal came into effect.”

 

Economic Activities of RG

Another source of disagreement between Revolutionary Guards and the Rouhani government is the role of IRGC in economy. Khatam-ol Anbiya Headquarter, engineering and construction unit of IRGShas taken over critical infrastructure projects in Iran, built roads, bridges, damsetc..The role of IRGC in economy gradually increased under the presidency of Ahmadinejad, some companies affiliated to the IRGC operated in wide spectrum from construction, chemistry, to telecom, finance, energy, and international trade.There are different estimations about the overall share of IRGC in Iranian economy. IRGCSpokesman Ramezan Sharif stated that “only 10%” of construction projects in Iran has been handled by the Revolutionary Guards.

Rouhani government is critical of economic activities of military institutions because of the difficulty in inspecting them and because itupsets the balances in the market. Besides, the government is vowed toreinforce private sector, which requires reduction of IRGC activities in economy.However, President Rouhani adopted a cautious rhetoricwith regard to the economic activities of IRGC. Having admired IRGC for its contribution to economy and defense of the country, he asked IRGC to fight against smuggling and get involve in major projects that are not undertaken by private sector.Likewise, Mohammad BagherNobaght, spokesman of the government, said that economic activities of IRGC should be limited with fields in which private sector has no interest or capacity to do.

A speech given by Rouhani on the Army Day (Rouz-e Artesh) in April 2014 has drawn attention to this issue. He said that the army has made great sacrifices in defense of the country, but did not ask “its share from the nation and the elected government.” This statement of Rouhani isregarded as a warning to IRGC thatwants to maintain its economic activities in return for its sacrifices.

IRGCCommander Jafari acknowledged in September 2014 that initially there were some doubts about the cooperation between the Guards and the government on economic issues. However, he added that the government was appreciatingIRGc’scapabilities in construction industry and they were cooperating on that subject.  Nevertheless, economic activities of IRGC significantly declined under the Rouhani government. Some operations ofIRGC-related companies, who are no more able to take “luxurious tenders” has been ceased. In return, Guardscommanders frequentlystated that the government should “give priority” toIRGC and Basij, which are ready to support the government in developing “resistance economy.” Commander Jafari,in several occasions, however, complained that the government does not utilize enough experiences and proposals IRGC and Basij.

 

Foreign policy is not discussed

Despite their disagreements on economic and political issues, the Rouhani government and the Revolutionary Guards have apparently been in an intimate cooperation with regard to foreign policy matters.The Rouhani government, whose first priority wassolution of the nuclear issue, has not questioned the role of IRGC in regional policies of Iran. As a matter of fact, Iranian policies towards Iraq and Syria have remained in the control of IRGC. After the rise of ISIS in June 2014, as a critical threat to Iraqi government, and consequently to Iran, IRGC and Iranian government reinforced their cooperation. The government supported the logistical support and the advisory missions provided by IRGC in Iraq and Syria. Moreover, President Rouhani said, “The courage of Sardar[Qassem] Soleimani is a source of pride and power.”Having praised the Qods Force andprowess of IRGC, Rouhani said, “Today, IRGC not only shoulders the burden of providing security to thecountry, but also provides security to those countries seeking help from the Islamic Iran and takes its place with its all capacity on those fields.”

The concord between the Rouhani government and Revolutionary Guards on security and foreign policy issueshas also reflected in the overall share of IRGC from the national budget, which has gradually increased. It took 3,3 billion USD from the national budget in 2013, which increased to 5 billion USD in 2014 and to 6.1 billion USD in 2015. There were some claims for the current year arguing that the amount allocated to IRGC in the draft version of the national budget prepared by the government was diminished 20 percent. Notwithstanding the debate on the budget cuts for IRGC, the overall defense budget of Iran has increased almost 15 percent.

Consequently, there have been some public debates and disagreements between President Rouhani and Revolutionary Guards over a number of issues including the role of IRGC in economy, nuclear talks and the meaning of the nuclear deal, cultural and political issues. However, the Rouhani government hasnot questionedforeign activities of IRGC and its role in Iranian foreign policy. Therefore, despite numerous disagreements and debates between Revolutionary Guards and the government, foreign policy issues, especially Iranian policies towards the Middle East were never brought into question.

 

This article was published in Ortadoğu Analiz journal with the title of "Revolutionary Guards and Politics Under Rouhani”