African Integration and the Golden Jubilee Year

It was fifty years ago that a major movement for regional integration, consisting of thirty-two governments, came together in Addis Ababa to establish the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). Therefore, the year 2013 has been identified as the Golden Jubilee Year. Whilst such a momentous occasion may not be known by many it deserves to be commemorated throughout the whole year, and in truth, throughout the globe.
 
The newly-created OAU desired to promote the unity and solidarity of the African states and act as a collective voice for the African continent. The coordination and intensification of African states cooperating was one of the major aims in order to achieve a better life for the people of Africa. That path to prosperity lay in integration. Though integration has had quite a chequered past. At times it has been vilified, at other times celebrated.
 
Therefore, integration has not been universally popular. Nevertheless, its supporters greatly outweigh its detractors. The reason being, the accepted wisdom and experience of regional integration demonstrates economic gains and political benefits in terms of trust and stable relations. It is far easier for states to escalate disputes and transform them into violent conflicts when the level and frequency of interaction is few and far between. Purely viewed from this perspective the European Union (EU), for example, is an astounding success.
 
In international politics, the past century has witnessed many attempts at closer economic cooperation end in abject failure, with only a sprinkling of success and only one meaningful achievement; that of the aforementioned EU. Whichever continent one goes to, the most fashionable endeavour is integration. After the Second World War, the world witnessed the remarkable progress achieved in Europe. Warring countries such as France and Germany put aside their differences and came together in a new venture; one in which their interests did not diverge, but converge. This unique experience in integration was heralded as the path to the future and seen as the harbinger of the terminal decline of the state. The state had outlived its usefulness and had no choice but to immerse itself into a federation of sorts. Or so the protagonists claimed.
 
One can certainly debate the demise of the state, but one fact which is undeniable concerns the widespread popularity of integration measures. The successes the European Union has achieved have led to calls for other regions and continents to replicate it. One can attest to this in North America through NAFTA, South-east Asia as ventured into closer cooperation through ASEAN, Latin America has deepened integration through MERCOSUR and Eurasia has not been left out either. Leading from the front, Russia has firmly placed the Eurasian Union on the contemporary integration chart.
 
European Empires and African Colonies
 
Whilst most attention has been focused on these areas, perhaps the most emotionally charged integration scheme can be located in Africa. Africa is the preeminent continent where the scars of European imperialism remain easy to observe. Firstly, this is evident when one peruses a political map of the continent. The marks left behind the slicing up the continental pie can be seen from the borders of many states. These unnatural straight lines which run for hundreds of kilometres across deserts and jungles bear no relation to natural terrains or to any ethnic settlement. They are the remnants of primarily British, French, Dutch, German and Portuguese imperial appetites.
 
Until the mid-twentieth century the European imperial control of the continent had survived the First and the Second World War. The latter brought about a profound change, however. Britain, the effective unipolar power at the turn of the century had been part of the victorious alliance, but was clearly the junior partner to the new superpower, the U.S. As for France, it had endured an ignoble occupation by the Nazis, only able to regain independence through vital Anglo-American assistance. The Germans and the Dutch, the other imperial states with colonial possessions in Africa were in far worse circumstances. The former experiencing the most complete collapse in human history, the latter resembling a smouldering battlefield after being liberated by the western allies.
 
The British were in relative terms, the least damaged by the war as the island nation had not been occupied, though suffering immense suffering from aerial bombardment. Churchill, a great example of a man of his imperial age wanted to cling desperately to all corners of the British Empire.  Quite naturally, India was at the forefront, but African colonies were also contemplated as remaining under British rule.
 
Fortunately for the African peoples, the two superpowers jointly wanted to break up the European empires and advocated through differing ideological viewpoints their firm support for national liberation movements. Thus, the world witnessed the decolonizing decade of the 1950s, with the European imperial powers, begrudgingly at times, handing over political power to their rightful owners. Having influence and effective control over countries, however, is not simply related to holding political power. Maintaining a stranglehold on the economic levers of a country also yields the same results, in fact superior results as it provides a political smokescreen behind which imperial forces can hide.
 
Seeds of African Unity
 
It was precisely this scenario that was quickly picked up by intelligent leaders such as Nkrumah, Kenyatta, Nyerere and Lumumba who not only sought independence from their colonial masters but understood so well that survival and prosperity depended on economic and political integration. That integration had to be on a massive scale – at a continental level.
Exactly fifty years ago in Addis Ababa, on 25 May 1963, the declaration for African Unity called on all the newly-independent African states to band together around the principle of unity. The OAU had four primary aims:
 
1- To promote the unity and solidarity of the African states and act as a collective voice for the African continent. This was important to secure Africa's long-term economic and political future.
 
2- To co-ordinate and intensify the co-operation of African states in order to achieve a better life for the people of Africa.
 
3- To defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of African states.
 
4- To eradicate all forms of colonialism, as, when it was established, there were several states that had not yet won their independence or were minority-ruled. South Africa and Angola were two such countries.
 
This endeavour received support from the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) which became the champion of regional integration, proposing in the mid-1960s the division of Africa into regions for the purposes of economic development. Political mobilisation was easy to achieve given the fact that decolonisation was either ongoing or still fresh in the minds of the African people. The desired unity did not materialise under the roof of the OAU which disbanded itself in July 2002 to be replaced by the African Union(AU).
 
The idea of integration, however, continues to resonate throughout the whole continent and was in evidence at a formidable academic conference organised by the Africa Institute of South Africa and the Tshwane University of Technology held in Pretoria, the South African capital during 20-21 May. The conference entitled “Fifty years after the founding of the OAU: Africa must unite of perish” considered the prevailing challenges facing Africa as strengthening and improving the efficiency of the AU, ensuring that Africans have a feeling of ownership and strong attachment to the AU as well as entrenching pan-Africanism as a viable programme of action to unite Africans by appreciating their differences.
 
At the conference, the particular difficulty of African integration in terms of the disunity of Sub-Saharan Africa was put forward by yours truly. It remains, unfortunately, very much a fragmented region, composed of 47 small economies. Their combined GDP equals only half of Spain’s, or the equivalent of Belgium.  Moreover, these countries continue to suffer from high production costs and low levels of investment which makes the eradication of poverty an uphill task. Therefore, one could summarise the whole continent as one constituted by small countries with small economies and even smaller markets.
 
Professor Muchie’s Proposals
 
One of the main organisers of the conference, Professor Mammo Muchie, Professor on Innovation Studies at the Tshwane University of Technology highlighted the central elements of a coordinated approach necessary to ensure the realisation of a genuine continent-wide integration.
 
Whilst recognising that Africans are indeed varied, their similarities ought to come first is an important starting point. It is through such an approach that Africa can be put first or being African comes before all other identities, thus, permitting African-ness to become a means to express self-definition, self-determination and freedom.
 
To achieve union one had to recognise that despite the presence of ideas of pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance, most Africans remained divided and suffered from colonial imagery and of a collective mentality bequeathed by the colonisers. Due to this situation, much responsibility rested with education. National educational systems were inadequate in terms of being fully appropriate to building a free and emancipated African individual. They remained largely based on borrowing from their colonial masters and could be classified as mimicking and copying Eurocentric educational systems. What were noticeable in their absences were the following: an appreciation of Pan-African history, values, science, technology, civilisation, economy and philosophy. It could only be through education that a new African national imagination could replace the colonially contaminated imagination.
 
Whilst education is key to generational change, there are some encouraging developments. Notably they relate to the expansion in numbers of universities. Whilst there was only a single university at the time of independence for the following African states, today Tanzania has 40, Kenya 53, Ethiopia 22, Zambia 19 and Ghana boasts of possessing 24 universities.  Nevertheless, one must still bear in mind that quantity is not always the answer; there is the vital issue of quality. The level of education, especially of higher education must be at or close to the upper echelons in terms of global educational standards. Unfortunately, African universities continue to hold onto their potential, having been unable to realise that potential.
 
Such an educational venture to shape minds certainly needs the cooperation of all the states of Africa. Therefore, these states must prioritise the African interest above all else, prizing their unity above everything else. In this regard it becomes imperative that they learn to compete without breaking their unity, learning to unite to enhance their skills and capabilities in order to advance. All of which are not simple tasks.
 
In terms of the ineffectiveness of the AU and its lack of agency, Professor Muchie accepts criticism by highlighting the case of Libya. According to him, this had proven to be a good lesson to learn from, as Africans should have tried to unite and address the problem first before non-Africans had invited themselves and been permitted to push their own agendas forward. When Africans fail to produce a united front and are unwilling to coordinate their actions then they will continue to face external powers putting forward their own solutions to national and international crises.
 
The Arab Spring which removed the personal-rule based regimes of Mubarak and Gaddafi points to a rather worrying dilemma for the whole continent. Whilst it can be argued that African states are all sovereign and proceeding towards democracy - albeit slowly and in many cases suffering quite substantial setbacks and deviations – their economies continue to struggle. In many ways whilst there is advancement in terms of democracy there is a lack of development which leads one to question whether African states have been liberated only to remain poor.
 
When investigating the 1960s, the enthusiastic and passionate decade regarded by most as the high-water mark for believing in speedy integration, poverty levels fell and continued to fall until 1980. Whereas the two decade period after 1980 has also witnessed a reduction in poverty the rate has been less. This dampened hopes and expectations somewhat that not only was unity receding into the horizon but the international economic system was becoming an obstacle to economic growth.
 
Economics as well as political ideology remain at the heart of all integration endeavours, whichever continent one focuses on. States are willing to pool their sovereignty if it is in their interests. Having decided it is beneficial to establish and join supranational organisations they reserve the right to question their participation as the British have done this year, promising to hold a referendum in 2017 over continued membership of the European Union. Therefore, integration schemes are only successful and can survive only if they continue to meet the expectations of national interests. Those interests naturally contain elements of trade, investment, politics, social welfare and much more.
 
The Role of Ethiopianism
 
Professor Muchie’s convincing suggestion to ensure future unification is to concentrate on past success. He identifies the role the Christian religion has played in Africa. It was through the racist theology at the time that Africans were treated as slaves and forced to feel inferior. Ethiopians led the way to break free from the Church, establishing their own churches to achieve religious independence. This Ethiopianism which won the battle over religion became the precursor to political independence, providing support for other rebellions that took place in the continent.
 
Given this historically progressive role carried out by Ethiopianism, he argues powerfully that a newer version is best placed to push Africa onto unity. The current conception of Ethiopianism makes no qualms that it is not race, tribe, region, religion nor language that precedes Africa. Africa, simply put, is first. Furthermore, Africa is for the Africans. Ethiopianism, therefore, can be encapsulated by seven notions: dignity, pride, confidence, self-worth, self-reliance, independence and freedom. Finally, in order to quicken the pace for continental unification the revival of Pan-African Congresses are advocated, attesting to the fact that Ethiopianism is the flip side of Pan-Africanism.
 
The main drawback for African integration remains what it was half a century ago: the gap between expectations and capabilities. The good news is, whilst the expectations have not changed - political union remains the goal - the capabilities are immeasurably greater when compared to 1963. For too long heartfelt supporters of the continent have been waiting to see, whether disembarking from the ports of Tangier or Cape Town; crossing on foot into Suez; or whether landing at Kinshasa or Freetown airport, a diplomatic sign that reads ‘AFRICA’. Having understood Professor Muchie’s arguments, one need not be disheartened concerning the unity of Africa. To do so, would be tantamount to abandoning the cause.
 
The Role of Youth
 
To conclude, the UN Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) has identified the golden jubilee as being underpinned by the consciousness and principles of Pan-Africanism championed by Africa’s founders, which pointed towards the realization of a democratic, prosperous and politically stable continent. It has referred especially to recognizing political freedom, particularly sovereignty and liberation, as being central to its socio-economic transformation.
 
Furthermore, to mark the Golden Jubilee, the ECA and its partner the African Union Commission’s Youth Division are organizing a Youth Forum in Addis Ababa from 22- 25th May 2013. This fits in with the ongoing Africa Youth decade 2009-2018. The forum is to bring young people at the heart of social and political discourse to enable them to make contributions to current policy debates. More importantly, it is intended to promote a youth focused policy priority and support the vision of youth development among the urgent actions by African heads of states. It is clear to see that the baton of African unity is being handed over to a new, more conscious generation which will have the opportunity to advance African integration.