Arab Spring: Running Around in Circles

The Arab Spring is undoubtedly a progressive development. Very few, if any, opposing interpretations to that have been made.
 
Yet, the level and depth of how progressive it has been and continues to be is being questioned. It needs to be. The protests that led to the falling of decades-old regimes one after the other promised much in terms of a new future and hope in a newly crafted society. The past was considered to be unhealthy and unacceptable, and a new social contract was to be formed and implemented whole-scale. At the time, no active protester or passive supporter desired an exchange of one evil for another -- though, this was a distinct possibility from the outset and current signs and paths of development are providing unwanted conflicting signals.
 
The essential feature of democracy for any individual is the acceptance and protection of human rights. Simply paying lip service to rights -- having many laudable rights on the statute books that are not implemented -- does not add up to democracy. For individuals who aspire to be citizens of democratic states, the sine qua non is the state defending their universal human rights. Whilst states are obliged to defend their citizens’ rights, it is also states that are the main culprit in denying these rights. Democratic states have found a solution to this circular problem by establishing institutions and mechanisms by which citizens can call the state to order. In this way, they have avenues through which to keep a watchdog on the state in order to see that it is not violating the rights of its citizens.
 
Constitution
 
The primary mechanism by which this can be attained is through the constitution. If the constitution clearly demarcates the powers of institutions, this will enable no elite or political party to have overall control of the legislature, judiciary and the executive. If one party is to control the parliament, give orders to judges and hold all executive powers, then the rights of individuals are in danger as there is no separation of powers.
 
However lenient, moderate and progressive a political party may appear to be, there are inherent risks in foregoing a system of checks and balances. The rights of the opposition and of minorities need to be protected from the government and from the majority.
 
Most of the states in the Arab world currently view democracy in its majoritarian dimension, one whereby majority rule is legitimate. For those of this belief, democracy can be equated solely with free and fair elections. The party that emerges as the victor can legitimately implement whatever it desires. Democracy, at its very heart, is about majority rule, but not at the expense of abusing minority rights or of the rule of law. What is noticeably absent so far from most of the North African countries is good-intentioned discussion and debate with varying elements of the opposition. One exception to this rule, however, can be witnessed in Tunisia.
 
There, in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, elections were held and the political party with Islamist features won with 41 percent of the national vote. Rather than forming a government on its own, the party preferred to enter a coalition with the secular social democratic party. This coalition government has also been instrumental in encouraging the drafting of a new constitution, which was completed this month and is forecast to be voted on by the provisional assembly by the end of the summer (with perhaps a referendum afterwards).
 
Thus, there are interesting examples, such as Tunisia, that can be seen as proceeding along the path of democratic reform and consolidation. In fact, according to Rashid al-Ghannushi, co-founder of the Ennahda Movement, the largest Islamist Party in Tunisia, it will be his country that transforms the Arab Spring into Arab democracy. That is still far away, but it is encouraging to see positive steps are being taken by countries like Tunisia.
 
Turkish role: education
 
Turkey can aid and abet this progress towards Arab democracy by extending its educational network opportunities to Arab countries. Joint research projects and student and teacher exchanges involving universities from the EU, Turkey and the Arab world would be beneficial for all concerned. They certainly could be a positive factor in encouraging the development of democracy in a turbulent region of the world.
 
In Morocco, for example, it is a fact that almost all citizens are Muslim, yet some question if that should automatically mean the king is officially recognized and accepted as “Amir Al Mu’mineen,” which literally means leader of the faithful. The king has declared that his ancestry dates back to the time of the Prophet and, therefore, he is rightfully the caliph. Despite such assertions, no one in the Islamic world accepts him as a religious authority and, as far as his status as a caliph for all Muslims goes, this is only applicable for Moroccan Muslims.
 
Thus, whilst one wants to see progress and social contentment in the Arab world, it is very important not to conflate what seems to be real with reality. Decisions need to be made and strategies devised according to the facts on the ground, not by how we would like developments to pan out. Decisions inspired by a false reading of the situation will inevitably lead to unexpected and usually undesired outcomes. Therefore, it is vital to read the news and take the pulse of social movements. A particular problem area remains: Syria.
 
No reliable journalistic accounts of the ongoing civil war are available, which leads to over-reliance on social media. One is all too familiar with the various video clips being broadcast by global television news channels. Alarmingly, according to a recent report by the United States Institute of Peace, journalists are relying on YouTube as a resource for up to a quarter of their content news. Such dependence on distorted social media does not bode well for attempts to make the right decisions to end the conflict and limit the losses of life.
 
Ideals and reality
 
Much was made of increasing and enhancing freedom during the initial phase of the Arab Spring, and rightfully so. Little attention was paid to what kinds of freedoms needed to be expanded. Most attention focused, not surprisingly, on political freedoms such as the right to assemble and the right to free speech. Given that the societies in question overwhelmingly belonged to the Islamic faith, very few concentrated on religious freedom. Even less considered sexual freedom. The discredited regimes of the past were autocratic politically and illiberal to boot socially.
 
An emergent democratic social polity is one in which the rights of minorities are catered to and defended by the law. Recently, Morocco once again gained publicity due to its inaction in precisely this field. Section 489 of the Moroccan Penal Code continues to outlaw homosexual relations, punishing perpetrators with up to three years in prison. At least in Morocco the promise of the Arab Spring, in terms of providing Western-type liberal laws that refrain from judging an individual’s sexual orientation, has been absent.
 
Morocco is not alone in this category, though its inaction in this field does not sit well with the image it has constructed since the uprising in 2011.Therefore, how far the Arab Spring has progressed so far is a question that needs to be asked. Some states are nearing the end of a constitutional drafting process; others are in cantankerous relations with their regions, arguing over the powers of central government.
 
The Libyan situation is a good example of where central authority and regional governance are at loggerheads. Earlier this month, the region around Benghazi declared that it was semi-autonomous. Federalists demanded all institutions that had been removed by Muammar Gaddafi to go back to how they were before his 1969 coup. Officials of Libya’s largest oil company -- the Arabian Gulf Oil Company (AGOCO) -- which is based in Benghazi, have suggested international oil companies could establish offices there, thus supporting service companies. Such investment could create multiple opportunities for the many Libyans in the eastern part of the country who are unemployed but possess highly qualified skills.
 
It is unclear what powers the federalists of Libya’s Cyrenaica region claim to hold, and estimations by analysts and observers have already been made that a fairer share of national resources should be allocated to the region. What is clear so far is that the Arab Spring is developing along differing tangents in different countries in North Africa.