After months of hesitation toward Syria’s new leadership following the fall of the Bashar Assad regime, the Trump administration recalibrated its policy in May, concluding that U.S. strategic interests would be better served through direct engagement with the emerging authorities in Damascus. With Iran effectively pushed out of Syria and Russia struggling to maintain its waning influence, Washington has moved to capitalize on what it views as a historic opportunity to bring Damascus closer to its orbit. Over the past several months, U.S. Ambassador to Türkiye and Special Envoy for Syria Thomas Barrack has spearheaded diplomatic efforts to strengthen bilateral ties, advocating for sanctions relief as a prerequisite for Syria’s reconstruction and reintegration into the international system. These efforts have now culminated in the announcement of a landmark meeting between President Donald Trump and his Syrian counterpart, Ahmed al-Sharaa, scheduled for Nov. 10 in Washington.
This visit — the first ever by a Syrian head of state to the White House — marks not only a turning point in U.S.–Syrian relations but also a pivotal moment for Syria’s security, stability, and political unity in the post-Assad era. The agenda is expected to encompass a broad range of sensitive issues, including the enduring threat posed by DAESH/ISIS, negotiations on a security framework involving Israel, and the future of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and their integration into Syrian state structures. Achieving tangible progress on these contentious files will likely bolster the administration’s ability to persuade U.S. lawmakers to support the full and permanent repeal of remaining sanctions on Syria, thereby accelerating the country’s path toward stabilization and recovery.
Syria to join anti-DAESH coalition
The fight against DAESH has long been the foremost priority of U.S. policy in Syria, and indications of the group’s resurgence in the post-Assad period ensure that this concern will remain at the center of Washington’s engagement with the new authorities in Damascus. This shared threat has already produced significant gains in cooperation. Since the regime’s collapse, the U.S. has provided intelligence support to Syrian security institutions, and at least eight joint operations have been conducted in government-controlled areas to prevent DAESH cells from exploiting the transitional environment. With both sides strongly invested in suppressing any DAESH comeback, further coordination is widely expected. Indeed, according to Barrack, Syria is anticipated to formally join the U.S.-led Global Coalition against DAESH during the White House meeting.
Syria’s potential accession to the coalition is largely a symbolic move that formalizes an already active counterterrorism partnership. Al-Sharaa has reportedly cooperated with the U.S. on intelligence sharing since his years in Idlib, targeting DAESH and al-Qaeda networks — a partnership that has continued into the post-Assad period. The more substantive impact of Syria joining the coalition will be political. It bolsters al-Sharaa’s international image as a leader committed to combating terrorism, a narrative critical to persuading skeptical U.S. lawmakers who remain uneasy about his militant background. Equally significant is the shift in operational responsibility that accompanies coalition membership. DAESH camps and prisons are increasingly expected to fall under Damascus’s authority, positioning the Syrian government as the principal interlocutor in counter-DAESH strategy. This development further undermines the SDF’s leverage in ongoing political negotiations, diminishing their role as the West’s primary counterterrorism partner in the country.
Security agreement with Israel
Perhaps the most contentious agenda item at the White House meeting will be the negotiation of a potential Syrian-Israeli security arrangement. Although the two sides came very close to a deal in September, just ahead of the UN Summit in New York, negotiations collapsed when Israel introduced a last-minute request for a “humanitarian” corridor to Suwayda — an initiative Damascus rejected on sovereignty grounds. While Syria advocates for an agreement grounded in the 1974 Disengagement Accord, Israel appears reluctant to relinquish the territories it seized in the immediate aftermath of the Syrian revolution. Given the significant asymmetry of power between Syria and Israel, progress will likely depend on Trump’s willingness and ability to exert meaningful pressure on Israel, much as he did during the recent Israel-Hamas ceasefire negotiations, to secure a balanced deal acceptable to Syrian leaders.
Considering the White House’s emphasis on President Trump’s regional diplomacy and peacemaking credentials, he is likely to pursue a landmark agreement between the two sides. However, such an outcome remains far from guaranteed. The gap between Syrian and Israeli expectations is still too wide to overcome in the short term, making a limited de-escalation arrangement the most realistic outcome of the meeting. Securing such an understanding would allow Trump to present himself once again as a peacemaker in the Middle East while laying the groundwork for broader negotiations down the line. Still, considering how elusive a breakthrough has proven despite intensive U.S. mediation, any tangible progress would be more of a welcome surprise than a predictable result. Regarding the possibility of Syria joining the Abraham Accords, this remains the least likely outcome of the meeting, even in the face of Trump’s evident enthusiasm. Syrian president has firmly ruled out such a move, citing ongoing Israeli aggression and the risk that normalization would seriously undermine his domestic legitimacy.
SDF integration with Damascus
Another key item on the agenda of the meeting is the integration of the SDF into Syrian state institutions. Despite the framework agreement reached on March 10 between al-Sharaa and SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi, the implementation process has stalled. The SDF has continued to delay the transfer of weapons and territorial authority, while insisting on entering the Syrian army as a unified military bloc rather than through individual incorporation. Moreover, its persistent demand for a decentralized governance model has slowed negotiations and triggered occasional clashes with government forces along the lines of contact. As a result, despite multiple negotiation rounds and ongoing U.S. mediation, no substantial progress has been achieved.
Recognizing that a resolution of the SDF issue is indispensable to advancing the political transition, al-Sharaa is expected to leverage the White House meeting to push for a decisive breakthrough. Damascus emphasizes that the matter must be settled through political dialogue and views Washington’s role as critical in pressuring the SDF to comply with integration terms. At this stage, al-Sharaa must demonstrate his diplomatic effectiveness by securing U.S. support, much as the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was able to do back in 2019 when he obtained Trump’s acquiescence for a Turkish operation in SDF-held areas. Given Trump’s recent praise of al-Sharaa as a “tough guy” and his generally warm relations with strong leaders, he might as well give him what he wants by shifting U.S. policy in a direction more closely aligned with Damascus — further marginalizing the SDF and pushing it toward integration into Syria’s central government.
Paving the way for sanctions relief
While the Trump administration places priority on countering DAESH and advancing normalization with Israel, the lifting of sanctions and the launch of reconstruction efforts constitute al-Sharaa’s primary objectives in Washington. He places economic recovery at the center of Syria’s stabilization strategy, arguing that lasting security can only be secured through tangible improvements in living conditions. Yet nearly a year after the fall of the Assad regime, the transitional government has fallen short of its promises of economic revitalization, and the anticipated benefits of the revolution have yet to reach ordinary Syrians. The continued implementation of the Caesar sanctions remains a major barrier. Their full repeal by the U.S. Congress is essential to unlocking investment from regional and international partners. Potential investors, for their part, seek ironclad assurances that sanctions removal will be permanent and unconditional. For this reason, Syrian president must demonstrate credibility and political maturity in Washington to reassure skeptical U.S. lawmakers who remain unconvinced of his transformation from an insurgent leader in military fatigues into a responsible statesman in suits. Ultimately, if he succeeds in projecting such confidence and if progress is made on the key agenda items during his visit, the U.S. House of Representatives could authorize the full repeal of sanctions as early as December — clearing the path for Syria’s reconstruction and economic recovery.
